The occasion for this public event is too important because there is also a testimony to the university, is not any of the information provided here highlight of her current distress but would nonetheless reaffirmed the strong 'NO' to the Gelmini decree.
These also serve as occasions for the work of counter-information, to report the many lies with which the public has been prepared for such a law and adverse actions which are imposed on the Italian university system. Why the media is in place for some years a campaign of denigration against all the public system of education and training, a campaign that denounced repeatedly cases of malfunction, corruption, waste that those who work in schools and universities well-known and long complaint, but receive from politicians, or those who govern the Italian universities, to say the least, unrealistic answers, sometimes solutions which have served only to fester ills. But today it seems clear that the purpose of the press campaign, the TV and assign the responsibility of the collapse only to those who work in schools and universities, so that the ax fell in the last two years by Tremonti Gelmini and could be regarded as a improcastinabile moralizing intervention. It is in this context that all those who today oppose the so-called 'reform Gelmini' impunity can be branded as defenders of the status quo as traditionalist, the Counter, or even as defenders of the power of the barons.
The public has digested so without excessive regurgitation the so-called 'Moratti reform', which also established the exhaustion from 2013 to the role of researchers indefinitely, even by setting the first cuts of the financing of universities. Then it could take Tremonti, who with two speeches legislation (Law No. 133 of stability and n.180, both in 2008) imposed for the years 2009-2013 a total cut of 1,350 million euro fund ongoing financing universities, but not limited to: Tremonti also limited to 50% on turnover university teachers, establishing there being up to 60% of the new hires will include figures of researchers (temporary or permanent). And finally came the Gelmini, to crown with his infamous DDL design impoverishment of the national university system and precariousness of his teaching, and, behold, therefore, that the role of researchers indefinitely (like the one currently in force, not provides for compulsory education) is now set to run out and was replaced by a figure-term research that will, in addition to a precarious contract, the obligation to carry out educational activities. The result is clear that in a few years, the vast majority of staff who will teach at the university will be precarious, underpaid and subject to the blackmail of the 'barons' in obtaining confirmation of his draft contract, and then its stabilization in the roles of 'universities.
interventions Tremonti of 2008 also gave the universities the opportunity to become private foundations, and now the DDL Gelmini provides that the government is entrusted to a university rector increasingly sovereign and a Board of Directors of five members, three of which can be 'external' (private). All this to bring about systemic change that is part of a political project, not at all inconsistent and patched, as it is often said. It seems rather clear that the overall design meets all of these interventions: the destabilization of the State public university system and its replacement with a system based on a purely best companies, providing an ever more invasive of private capital (at least where entrepreneurs can find 'interesting' one of their investment) and the precariousness of employment contracts with a staff that uses throw-away that will in turn hired or fired in relation to the interests of those in the near future will decide the fate of Italian universities .
Un tale progetto non potrebbe però essere difeso agli occhi dell’opinione pubblica se non ci fossero menzogne e omissioni a oscurarne le vere intenzioni. E così la “razionalizzazione della spesa” e i “tagli agli sprechi” sono i leitmotif che servono a giustificare dei tagli realmente insopportabili per il sistema universitario, omettendo il fatto che l’Italia garantisce al suo sistema universitario e a quello della ricerca un finanziamento al di sotto dell’1% del suo PIL, ossia un 1/5 di ciò che mediamente spendono (in rapporto al loro PIL) i Paesi della UE per lo stesso scopo. Né viene spiegato come farà l’Italia a ottemperare a quegli impegni presi a livello International (the famous Treaty of Lisbon) which oblige all European countries to raise 3% of their GDP for research investment by 2010 (ie tomorrow). Nor is this why our political class, who never misses an opportunity to reaffirm that the crisis will come only with research, innovation and culture , choose the recipe of cutting number of teachers and their insecurity, and the overall deterioration of the education and training, where our European partners, Germany primarily , are long acting in the opposite direction.
It is said that in its last financial Tremonti ha destinato alle università 800 milioni di euro, ma non viene mai affiancato questo dato apparentemente positivo con quello del taglio già operante. Sarà perché poi basterebbe semplicemente sottrarre agli 800 milioni i 1350 milioni di tagli già previsti per comprendere che il saldo sarà comunque passivo per le università, e ancora di molto? Eppure è bastato promettere ai rettori quei pochi soldi per ottenere il loro consenso al DdL Gelmini. È bastato dire loro “volete indietro un po’ di euro? e allora appoggiate questa riforma”, perché in molti si sbracciassero in televisione e sui giornali per parlarne bene – anche se, in realtà, il fronte di assenso that months ago seemed compact today is much less unified.
It continues to say that the 'Gelmini reform' includes measures that will encourage the entry of young people for academic careers. But just read the DDL in the latest version and see for a young scholar is provided a path of insecurity that contract of apprenticeship "after the contract is 12 years. Then, however, will be recruited on a permanent basis, or not? No, because the law says that only if the university will have accounts in surplus will banish him (but also for other suitors inevitable) a post of associate professor, or the young, now on quarant’anni, dovrà tornarsene a casa disoccupato. E per la maggior parte degli atenei italiani, almeno allo stato attuale, il semplice pareggio dei conti appare una pura chimera.
Senza citare poi altre innovazioni ‘epocali’ introdotte dalla Gelmini: la riduzione drastica del diritto allo studio, raggiunta attraverso un progressivo abbattimento delle borse di studio fino al 90% del numero attuale; o la contrazione del numero delle facoltà e dei corsi di studio. E, anche qui, la responsabilità della vituperata loro proliferazione avvenuta negli ultimi anni, a chi dovrebbe essere attribuita? Ma dov’erano i ministri che l’hanno concessa? E perché non si dice che le “università per each bell "are served mainly to local politicians to be beautiful in their own constituencies? And because the much vaunted principle of liability in this case is not applied, perhaps by sending home those who may and those courses of study in excess has designed and empowered?
But every day we have to hear about a meritocracy at last introduced, incentives for young scholars and students capable of fighting against waste and parentopoli prosecuted anyway. And in the meantime, and in silence, in the last financial is a gift of 25 million approved for private universities, they will always be a doubling of research funds, including among private universities also those telematics, as e-campus, owned by Francesco Polidori, a friend of Berlusconi also owns the Cepu where the Knight has gone to inaugurate the academic year, and passes through a tax credit 100 million for private funding research in Italian universities.
So who is really who is defending the Italian public universities and those that are slowing down? Who is opposed to his imminent fragmentation and who is creating the conditions for an Italian made up of many separate structures, with universities and other Series A Series B? And who then is aiming at the abolition the legal value of the degree to which graduates will no longer have enough to participate in a contest, but we must have obtained a degree in some universities?
And the destruction of public universities, as public school, not enrolled in that perhaps the more general process of fragmentation of the country that is a tragedy that we are all complicit in assisting with indifference? The attack on the national system of public education may not be in the same direction as the dismantling of the national health system, putting into question of a contractual model of work focusing on the national collective agreement, and of course of fiscal federalism that already party started?
But then there is also a final, disturbing question: why university this attack is thwarted not only by researchers, especially students and temporary workers? It is paradoxical that the defense of the possibility of a future existence of the university Italian public is left to those who will pass only temporarily? Maybe because they are more young people to better realize that what is at stake is the future, and that is their future what we have all been expropriated so badly?
Roberto De Romanis
Coordination of researchers at the University of Perugia
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